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TI Program On Corruption In
Humanitarian Assistance Survey Report
Grantee: National Accountability Group, Sierra
Leone
Date: 24th April 2006
Name of person writing this
report: Salia Kpaka – Research Assistant
Contact details:
National Accountability Group
18 Dundas St.
PO Box 1312
Freetown, Sierra Leone
+232 22 240995
nag@sierratel.sl
www.accountability-sl.org
1. Introduction:
In this project, we carried out a Survey
on corruption in the humanitarian/relief program in
Sierra Leone. We did this through the soliciting of
information from humanitarian organisations in the following
sectors:
• International humanitarian assistance agencies
• National/Local humanitarian NGOs
• Government Agencies responsible for humanitarian
assistance
• Donor agencies
• Civil society organisations
• Media/Journalists and
• Individuals (mostly beneficiaries) with experience
in humanitarian assistance programs
The survey focused on tracking the
level of risks that corruption may have on the humanitarian
assistance programs in the country. During the war and
immediately after, there was an influx of organisations
which offered humanitarian assistance such as food,
clothing, shelter and micro-credits to small groups.
Some of these humanitarian organisations include:
• Catholic Relief Services (CRS)
• Africaire
• Tear Fund
• World Vision
• Action Aid
• Care International
• Plan International
• Council of Churches in Sierra Leone (CCSL)
• Evangelical Fellowship of Sierra Leone (EFSL)
After the war however, most of these
organisations which were solely working on humanitarian
assistance (during the war) changed their operations
to community development, Human Rights, and Advocacy.
2. Context:
This Survey was undertaken as a way
of tracking the risks of corruption in Humanitarian
Assistance. Humanitarian Assistance could be understood
to be Agency – beneficiary transaction in the
form of developmental projects or the distribution of
food and non- food items. Developmental projects range
from physical to institutional reconstruction, which
are undertaken by developmental agencies and targeted
to a particular set of people in a Community, without
their financial contribution.
Nature of corruption in Sierra Leone
Corruption has been and still is a
serious problem in Sierra Leone. It has proven a major
stumbling block for the establishment of an effective
and modern state in the country, increasing poverty
and hindering progress in meeting the Millennium Development
Goals. For example, Sierra Leone is richly endowed with
natural resources – gold, diamonds, titanium ore,
bauxite, rutile, iron ore and fertile agricultural land
– yet has been classified by the UNDP Human Development
Index as the least developed country in the world for
the last four years. The level of corruption is nearly
impossible to assess, but it is safe to say, based on
our own survey evidence as well as the work of the Anti-Corruption
Commission (ACC), that corruption is endemic in Sierra
Leone. Surveys conducted over the past five years have
shown that an overwhelming majority of Sierra Leoneans
think corruption is rampant throughout society and specifically
within government . In 2000, a Corruption Perception
Survey indicated that 94% of respondents thought corruption
was widespread.
During the war and immediately after,
corruption in the Humanitarian Assistance Program manifested
itself in several related ways such as fake relief agencies
being formed to attract donors funding. Another area
where corruption seriously affected the humanitarian
assistance program, especially during the war was in
procurement, in which fake or sub-standard supply items
(food or other materials) were distributed to vulnerable
beneficiaries, with the lion share of the funds diverted
to private ends. Corruption also manifested itself during
registration processes, where in people, who were not
covered by the program bribed field officers in order
to be given tickets for food and other items, or, the
actual beneficiaries would offer bribes in order to
increase their supplies.
Corruption has been widely acknowledged
as a principal factor in the socio-economic decay, poverty
and instability of Sierra Leone , as well as a major
cause of the decade-long civil war . The undermining
of the state’s ability to utilize resources, collect
taxes and exercise a monopoly of violence in the country
is a result of the ‘personalisation’ of
government and its services. The emergence of a shadow
state that uses the apparatus of formal government for
informal or personal uses was a key factor in the collapse
of the state in Sierra Leone.
Post-war Sierra Leone, like most countries
emerging from conflict, has been physically, politically
and economically devastated by long years of centralised
dictatorship and conflict. Political and economic institutions
have been destroyed and the social fabric of society
torn apart. Most of the horizontal institutions of accountability
created to check government excesses have disappeared
or been rendered ineffectual. Post-war reconstruction
has brought together an unusually wide range of economic,
political and social actors in response to the situation
on the ground. However, the resources for humanitarian
assistance, provided by these actors have been flowing
through weak institutions and inefficient, ineffective
government, national/local humanitarian agencies, public
service bureaucracies and civil society groups, characterized
by a lack of administrative, financial and management
skills. This has resulted in enormous problems for the
country and created innumerable opportunities for corruption
especially in humanitarian/relief assistance programs.
Corruption in Sierra Leone has gained
momentum during post-war recovery, seeping into virtually
every aspect of political, economic and social life.
Cultural values and expectations have become distorted,
and a system of perverse incentives and behaviours has
emerged. Massive corruption within all sectors of society
has become a threat to the country’s fledging
democracy, rule of law and the protection of human rights,
economic development and national stability.
3. Project methodology and
main findings:
Sample:
Questionnaires, which were developed
by Transparency international (TI) were carried out
in each of the seven categories slated above. For each
of the six humanitarian agencies, two questionnaires
were directed at senior officials with valuable experience
in humanitarian assistance programs, giving a total
of twelve questionnaires. The remaining eight questionnaires
were directed at beneficiaries of humanitarian assistance
– Sierra Leoneans, who have stayed in displacement
camps and refugees from Liberia.
Methodology:
The whole survey started with a one-day
training that was organised for five surveyors, who
were selected from social science students from the
national university with some experience in surveys.
The training featured discussions of real world situations
associated with effectively carrying out the research:
problems likely to be encountered and how to deal with
them. The questionnaires, as designed by TI, focused
on three indicators: the first part focused on the general
risks of corruption in the humanitarian assistance program
– the greatest risks, the likelihood for particular
risks to occur. The second dealt with personal experiences,
and the third solicited recommendations on how to reduce
these corruption risks in the humanitarian assistance
program.
4. Survey findings:
Based on the responses from the survey,
one can safely assert that corruption is highly prevalent
in the humanitarian assistance programs as it is practiced
in many ways. Regarding the risks of corruption in the
relief process, the respondents brought out the following
as greatest risk areas:
Procurement – a huge risk of
corruption in the humanitarian relief process is in
the procurement process, where funds for purchase of
supply items are squandered. At the end, the materials
bought will be either inadequate or sub-standard.
Registration – it was clearly
pointed out by most of the respondents especially the
beneficiaries that a great risk lies in the registration
process through bribes being solicited from beneficiaries
by local supply agents to inflate the number of persons
to benefit from relief items.
Logistics – the supply process
itself creates a very big opportunity for corruption
in the humanitarian relief program. Corruption normally
occurs among field officers, who, most times use fake
supply cards (ghost beneficiaries) to amass supply items
meant for beneficiaries. These diverted food and non
food items are later on sold to the very beneficiaries
(those who can afford to pay the cost). There are also
instances of sexual harassment of vulnerable female
beneficiaries by local supply agents in order to be
given priority during supply of relief items.
Funding – another biggest risk
area of corruption in the humanitarian assistance program
is linked to funds. The fact that huge sums of money
are disbursed to local NGOs to implement humanitarian
assistance projects creates a big opportunity for corruption
in the entire process, as these funds are at times diverted
to private ends instead of being used for their actual
purposes. Most local NGOs which apply for humanitarian
assistance funds operate fake projects.
Regarding the portion on the questionnaire
that solicits information about personal experiences,
only few respondents from international, national/local,
non-governmental, or donor agencies accepted having
any personal experiences with the corruption examples.
This, we believe, was for fear of being associated to
any form of corruption, especially in a situation when
every body is making frantic efforts to minimise the
malaise. On the contrary however, the respondents from
the media, civil society, and the general public (beneficiaries),
were more willing to discuss corruption issues and were
confident enough to give examples of personal experiences
of corruption. Some of these examples include:
• Sale of supply items
• Soliciting and acceptance of bribes
• Sexual harassment
• Inflation of beneficiary numbers
• The existence of ghost beneficiaries etc
Corruption Complaint Mechanism:
While all the respondents accepted
that corruption complaints can be channelled through
the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), the media, and
the police, the willingness of the afore-mentioned to
implement effective measures to minimise, if not eradicate
corruption is yet in great doubt. However the respondents
still believe that the following are successful measures
to minimise corruption risks in the humanitarian assistance/relief
program:
• The enactment of the Anti-Corruption Act –
2000
• The establishment of the anti-Corruption Commission
-2002
• The writing up of the National Anti-Corruption
Strategy (NACS)
• The involvement of civil society organisations
like NAG in corruption related issues
• Reports of surveys focussing on the extent and
consequences of corruption etc
5. Constraints:
One major problem we encountered conducting
the research concerns respondents prioritisation of
the research project. It has been time consuming to
set up appointments and they have often been rescheduled
in the last minute. This is because the commitments
and responsibilities of the respondents are so plenty
and important to them that any extra activity such as
ours (focussing on corruption) is often considered as
a complete waste of time. Not withstanding these, however,
our determination and cajoling techniques helped us
solicit the required information.
Another serious problem we encountered
regards the late arrival of funds to conduct the survey.
Up till the moment of writing this report, our bank
has still not confirmed receipt of the funds. To conduct
the survey therefore against the slated timeline, we
had to loan funds from other donors, which will have
to be replaced upon receiving the funds.
6. Conclusion and Recommendations:
The conduction of this survey has gone
a long way to expose corruption and the risks it bears
on the humanitarian assistance/relief program. This
therefore offers to all civil society organisations,
local and international NGOs, government and donor agencies,
the responsibility to institute effective monitoring
and accountability measures to reduce the risks of corruption
in the humanitarian relief program. It particularly
creates an opportunity for NAG, which is the country’s
only civil society organisation exclusively working
on corruption, to extend its monitoring tentacles in
the humanitarian assistance/community development projects
in order to expose these risks and thus reduce the level
of corruption in not only the humanitarian assistance/relief
programs, but in other developmental projects in the
country.
In order to achieve this, the following
recommendations have been proffered by both respondents
and survey enumerators:
• Effective monitoring/accountability and reporting
mechanisms to be put in place to ensure efficiency and
proper management
• Strengthening of civil society capacity to act
as effective watchdogs
• Periodic evaluation of projects through surveys
and focus groups (survey should also target beneficiaries
to get their perceptions)
• There should be complaints mechanisms to report
corruption practices
• There should be the willingness to punish individuals
that are found guilty of corruption, no matter who they
are
• There should be community participation in humanitarian
assistance programs to foster local ownership
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